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Middle East & North Africa
Deindustrialization in the Middle East and North Africa
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Middle East & North Africa
Austerity in Egypt: Gendered Effects and Disproportional Harm
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- Acknowledge and value women’s labor as a cornerstone of Moroccan agriculture. This can be achieved by ensuring that data collection, conducted by the Ministry of Agriculture and other relevant institutions, systematically captures informal labor, including agricultural work performed without formal contracts, and is disaggregated by gender to fully reflect the scale and nature of women’s contributions to agricultural production.
- Ensure women have equal access to technical training, leadership programs, and support for farm diversification or entrepreneurial initiatives.
- Make the contributions of female agricultural laborers visible in public and policy debates by:
- Launching awareness campaigns (radio, TV, social media, community events) to highlight their role in food security and rural economies.
- Drawing inspiration from initiatives like Tunisia’s “The Woman with the Headscarf,” honoring female agricultural workers.
- Supporting research and media projects that amplify their voices and experiences.
- Provide safe, reliable transportation to reduce the risks associated with overcrowded and unsafe vehicles. The state or local authorities should partner with cooperatives or private transport providers to create subsidized, safe shuttle services dedicated to transporting agricultural workers, especially women, to and from farms.
- Strengthen labor regulations to protect agricultural workers\’ health by:
- Increasing labor inspections, especially in remote areas, to ensure compliance with safety standards.
- Mandating employers to provide free protective equipment (gloves, masks, hats, appropriate clothing) for tasks involving chemicals or harsh conditions.
-
Middle East & North Africa
Invisible Hands: The Struggles of Female Agricultural Workers in Morocco
Processes of deindustrialization have set the course for postmodernity. Though its impact varies with geography, it is deindustrialization which defines the conditions of social, political, and economic life across most the world today. This is certainly so in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). There, premature deindustrialization bequeaths legacies of grave and enduring salience. In the economic domain, effects are observable in the region’s struggles with job creation, productivity, growth, and macrostability. Socially, they are present in MENA’s extreme levels of inequality. Politically, deindustrialization contributes to democracy’s recurring failures to launch.
This report takes identifying the drivers behind deindustrialization in the MENA as its primary task. Based on months of desk research and an extensive exploration of the historical archive, we trace causality across time and beyond the borders of the region. Findings are many, prominently including the following:
(i) The early onsetting of deindustrialization in the MENA was provoked by the global economy’s drift into stagnation beginning in the late 1960s.
(ii) Due to global issues of overcapacity and falling profit rates, securing the investment needed to nurture competitive manufacturing sectors has been exceedingly difficult.
(iii) Though global dynamics did make opportunities for healthy industrializing scarce, they did not condemn MENA countries to the fates ultimately suffered. Political choices and policy errors also played a role in shaping the course of events. Critical in these regards were modalities of state-capital relations, inadequate policy design, and a series of contingencies derived from the management of natural resource endowments.
(iv) Neoliberalism’s resolution of capitalism’s profitability crisis harmed MENA’s industrial prospects significantly. The deepening of global value chains over the past forty years has been detrimental to capital accumulation. The enforcement of intellectual property claims has obstructed traditional pathways to industrial progress. Furthermore, competitive pressures have forced firms to adopt capital intensive forms of production, limiting industry’s capacity to absorb greater shares of MENA’s workforce.
(v) The corporate welfarism that many MENA governments have institutionalized in hopes of attracting foreign investment in recent decades is fundamentally misguided: The extension of non-conditional benefits to corporate actors serves only to minimize the social and developmental utility of a prospective investment.
Looking ahead, it is plain that deindustrialization will continue weighing heavily on the region’s outlook. For a better future to be realized, local policy officials and members of the international community alike will need reckon with the factors compelling deindustrialization. Materially, this requires rethinking the terms and incentives governing matters of production, trade, and investment.
This publication has been supported by the Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung. The positions expressed herein do not necessarily reflect the views of Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung.
Introduction
Since 2016, Egypt has aggressively implemented a range of austerity measures. Stipulated by conditionalities attached to IMF loans, these policies—ranging from subsidy cuts to public sector wage freezes—disproportionately harmed women. They did so by reducing women’s economic opportunities, increasing their unpaid care burdens, and worsening access to essential services. Seen in full, structural reform in Egypt, notionally designed to attract foreign investment and stabilize public finances, has in actuality deepened gendered inequalities and amplified vulnerabilities.
Austerity is not just a set of economic policies. It is a form of structural violence that systematically erodes women’s economic security and social well-being. The evidence shows that instead of fostering inclusive growth, austerity perpetuates exclusion. Pushing many into informal work, limiting financial independence, and threatening fundamental rights, it is a policy regime that expressly injures women.
Austerity After 2016
The policies introduced in Egypt after 2016 that have proven most damaging to women are five in number: (i) the elimination of fuel and food subsidies; (ii) public sector downsizing; (iii) the privatization of essential services; (iv) VAT increases, and (v) reduced social spending.
All of these policies were framed as necessary for economic stabilization. As the record shows, they made no such contribution: Egypt continues to loiter in and around financial crisis. Just as consequently, these policies worsened social inequalities.
Acutely reliant on subsidies for maintaining a baseline of household consumption, reforms on this front disproportionately affected working class women. Subsidy reforms’ effects on food prices proved especially pronounced. Due to shocks in commodities markets in 2020 and 2022, the lifting of subsidies would allow inflationary dynamics to take hold and perpetuate.
Already squeezed by losses in purchasing power, working class women also suffered worst from adjoining hikes in regressive taxes like the VAT and reduced social spending: Both policy changes served to sap disposable income further and remove what few protections working-class women had against employment disruptions.
Public sector downsizing, meanwhile, shut down those avenues in the labor market that had historically offered women a path out of precarity. The state’s hiring dropped precipitously after 2016, falling 45% as of 2022. Inasmuch as women had made up 40% of the public workforce, this left new labor market entrants with few good options (ILO 2022). Many dropped out of the labor force altogether. Many others were forced into informal employment with no social protections. Austerity policies in Egypt, much like deindustrialization in other MENA countries ultimately accelerated the defeminization of formal labor while intensifying women’s unpaid and undervalued reproductive labor.[1]
The privatization of essential services, lastly, shifted burdens related to healthcare, education, and childcare onto women of all socioeconomic statuses. The OECD estimates that Egyptian women now spend 7.5 hours per day on unpaid care work.[2] In practice, the state’s offloading of caregiving onto women would function to prevent a large share from even considering income-generating activities. Nor do the effects of privatization for women end there. The closure of public hospitals in rural areas in particular has created healthcare deserts while also elevating out-of-pocket expenses.
Each of these results gives testament to the World Bank and IMF’s recurring inability to address structural gender injustices. In Egypt as in so many other places, the two institutions force the poor, women most of all, to subsidize an unjust economic order.
Comparative Gendered Impacts of Austerity Measures
| Policy Measure | Women\’s Burden | Macroeconomic Effect |
| Subsidy cuts | 58% reduced food consumption | Inflation at 33% (2017) |
| Public sector wage freezes | 80% of health worker layoffs | Healthcare system collapse |
| VAT increases | 45% higher menstrual product costs | Regressive revenue collection |
The Austerity-Deindustrialization Nexus
There are second-order effects introduced by austerity that have also disproportionately harmed women. They prominently include austerity’s inducement of economic stagnation and stalling of Egypt’s industrial development. This is partially because both dynamics consolidated the labor market’s segmentation. With little growth being generated in the formal sector, the informal sector became the only game in town for women seeking work. The result is that 65% of all employed women in Egypt are now employed informally.[3] Standing little chance of transitioning into formal employment, these women serve as a reserve labor army of sorts—an easily exploitable pool of workers from which the economy can sustain a baseline level of profitability. Austerity-induced impacts on industrial development have also resulted in job losses that disproportionately affect women. This is quite clearly observed in Alexandria’s textile industry. Viewed comprehensively, then, austerity-driven deindustrialization can be seen to systematically undermine women’s economic agency and reinforce gendered vulnerabilities in the labor market.
Austerity, Patriarchy, and Feminist Alternatives
Materially, the IMF and World Bank’s interventions in Egypt, in privileging debt repayment above all else, buttress a patriarchal economic system. Per the joint UPR alternate report on economic and social rights in Egypt, these two institutions have, through their lending arrangements, contributed to increasing gender gaps in employment, education, and access to healthcare.[4]
The trajectory set by the Bretton Woods’ twins is neither the only nor best one that exists. A more viable way forward—a way that can both advance the cause of gender equality and secure Egypt’s economy—can be premised on the following policy recommendations.
Gender Responsive Fiscal Policies
The Egyptian state and its international partners must put a premium on allocating economic resources in a manner that prioritizes women’s access to quality healthcare, education, and childcare. These actors should also work to establish a progressive, income-based tax system that redistributes wealth toward marginalized communities, including low-income women. Furthermore, they should mandate gender-responsive budgeting in all government economic policies.
Resistance Neoliberal Prescriptions
Mindful of the gendered effects of public sector downsizing, policymakers must reverse the state’s retreat from the labor market and instead expand state employment opportunities. Policymakers need also implement wage parity measures to close gender pay gaps in the public sector (and more broadly). Beyond the public sector, industrial policy should incorporate gendered objectives. For instance, subsidies and procurement can be conditioned on firms employing a particular percentage of women.[5 In addition, basic labor protections must be strengthened for all workers, with special mind paid to the conditions of women in the formal and informal sectors.
Reinvesting in Public Services
In order to lessen women’s unpaid care burdens, policy makers must reverse austerity-driven cuts to public healthcare and education services. They should also expand subsidized childcare programs to facilitate women’s participation in the workforce, and improve public transportation infrastructure to enhance women’s mobility and economic access. In terms of scale, at least 5% of GDP in budgetary resources should be allocated to expanding childcare, eldercare, and healthcare services.
Ending the IMF\’s Exploitation of Women in the Global South
Lastly, a broader challenge to the IMF and World Bank modus operandi must be launched. Policymakers and allies in the international community need advocate for debt cancellation mechanisms that recognize the historical injustices faced by Global South economies. In the absence of some kind of debt restructuring, mobilizing the capital for essential social investments will be virtually impossible. Stakeholders should also work to anchor development plans in feminist alternative that center and value care work and the collective well-being above all.
Photo Attribution: Gigi Ibrahim, “Egyptian workers march to Shura Council on May Day 2013”: Openverse
[1] Yasmine Dildar (2024). “Gendered Impacts of Deindustrialization in MENA”, Policy Brief: Noria Research.
[2] Gaelle Ferant, Luca Maria Pesando, and Keiko Nowacka (2022). “Unpaid Care Work and Gender Inequality”, Report: OECD.
[3] Ragui Assaad and Caroline Krafft, “Introducing the Egypt Labor Market Panel Survey 2023”, Working Paper: Economic Research Forum (2023).
[4] MENAFem, Egyptian Front for Human Rights, Egyptian Commission for Rights and Freedoms, Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy, Egypt Human Rights Forum, the CEWLA Foundation, “Joint stakeholder submission to the UN Human Right’s Council 4th Universal Periodic Review on Egypt”, Memorandum (2025).
[5] See the works of Stephanie Seguino for more on possible policy alternatives.
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Women agricultural workers are essential to the growth of Morocco’s agricultural sector, yet they continue to face significant challenges. These include insecure employment (lack of contracts, social protection, etc.), undervaluation of their work, and limited recognition. This policy brief examines these issues and proposes actionable solutions to enhance their working conditions.
The feminization of agricultural labor in Morocco
The agricultural sector holds an important and relatively stable position in the Moroccan economy, accounting for approximately 12.5% of GDP since the 2000s. It provides about 33.2% of total employment (in 2019) and 52.1% of female employment.[1] Seven main production regions can be identified: Saiss, Berkane, Tadla, Souss, Gharb, Loukkos, and Haouz. However, due to changes in water availability and quality, irrigation frontiers are shifting and expanding further south-east, towards areas such as Boudnib and Dakhla. These emerging regions are expected to become significant hubs, increasingly attracting agricultural labor.
Over the past few decades, rural women have entered paid agricultural labor on a large scale, responding to a rising demand for workers driven by agricultural intensification, the expansion of irrigated land, and the agricultural sector’s increasing orientation toward exports. These dynamics entrench a hierarchical and gendered labor structure specific to the agricultural sector. Men occupy the more technical, better-paid, and contract-based positions, while women remain concentrated in the lowest and most precarious tiers, with few opportunities for upward mobility. Although some women secure contracts on large farms, the majority work without legal protections, exposed to poor working conditions and socio-economic insecurity. They gather daily at the mouqef—informal labor markets located on the outskirts of the various small agricultural centers—where they are selected for daily work and transported in open vehicles to the fields.
Women agricultural workers in the Saiss region waiting at the mouqef to find a job for the day.
The faces of labor: characteristics of female agricultural workers
Women working in agriculture often have limited alternatives, as their wages are crucial for sustaining their families. Their generally low levels of education further restrict employment prospects. As a subpopulation, however, they are not homogenous. Despite facing common challenges, women agricultural workers are a diverse group, varying in marital status, age, and place of origin.
For many, earnings are not just supplementary but the main, or sometimes the sole, source of household income. Some are supporting families due to a sick or unemployed husband or father, while others have taken on this role after being abandoned by their spouse. This financial strain forces them to persist in difficult and often exploitative working conditions, with little choice but to accept low wages and poor labor terms. Furthermore, on top of paid labor, these women typically shoulder the additional burden of unpaid care work, returning home after long hours in the fields to care for children and other relatives while also managing household tasks.
The challenges and insecurities of female agricultural workers
Social stigma and lack of recognition
Ethnographic research among female agricultural workers in Morocco reveals the deep social stigma they endure within their communities. These women are often the target of gossip and derogatory labels such as “easy women,” “husband stealers,” or “distractions for farmers.” Their virtue is regularly called into question, particularly for those who seek daily work at the mouqef.
Naima, a 50-year-old agricultural worker from the Saïss region, captures this sentiment: “Here, it’s frowned upon (ayb) for a woman to work… If you work with a man, people will assume you’re his girlfriend.”
This stigma is closely tied to entrenched gender norms and cultural expectations in rural areas, where women must navigate social pressures while asserting their right to participate in agricultural labor.
Poor working conditions with high risks and insecurities
Women laboring in agriculture often endure long working hours. They often start early in the morning and end late in the evening. For those working in the mouqef, they must be there as early as 4 or 5 a.m., depending on the season, to find a job for the day.
In addition, many face different forms of harassment in the workplace, including verbal, sexual, and physical violence. Such incidents are rarely reported, as many women fear being blamed or further stigmatized. Transportation adds another layer of risk. With no safe or reliable options, women workers are packed into overcrowded vehicles or pickup trucks far beyond legal capacity.
The work environment on farms also poses serious health and safety risks. Women labor under extreme heat, prolonged sun exposure, dust, and frequent contact with industrial fertilizers. For certain tasks, such as onion transplanting or strawberry picking, workers are forced to remain bent over for hours at a time, leading to physical strain and long-term health issues. Compounding matters, women navigate these conditions while lacking essential labor protections such as social security and retirement benefits, leaving them vulnerable to illness, injury, or poverty in old age. Gender-based discrimination resulting in wage gaps and limited access to advancement opportunities further intensifies hardships. Together, these factors intensify the socio-economic precarity of women agricultural workers and reinforce the social stigma attached to their work.
Economic difficulties
As intimated, female agricultural workers face significant economic hardships. These largely derive from the precarious and seasonal nature of their employment. Daily wages are generally low, generally ranging from 60 to 100 Dirhams (6 to 10 euros) per day. Compensation does fluctuate with labor demand, though. During peak season, when demand is high, wages can jump as high as 150 to 200 Dirhams (15 to 20 euros) a day. During low seasons, however, many women struggle to secure any kind of employment—particularly older women, who are frequently passed over by employers. In the mouqef of Taoujdate, in the Saïss plain, for instance, it is common to see women, especially the older ones, still waiting past 11 a.m., hoping to be hired, even though the typical workday begins as early as 6 a.m.
| Voices from the Mouqef: Zahra\’s Journey of Survival I live in Bouderbala where I rent a room for 300 dirhams (about 30 euro’s) a month, but I am originally from Taounat. I have been here for 8 years. When I came, I was married, but now I am divorced. I have one child who is in the first year of middle school. I work to provide for his needs. I am 39 years old, but looking at me, you would think I am 50. It was my husband who brought me here to Taoujdate, and that’s where I started working in agriculture. My husband is also from Taounat. He used to beat and mistreat me. He would demand money from me to buy cigarettes and cannabis. And when I was late coming home from work, he accused me of cheating on him. I go to the mouqef every day. The time I spend at work depends on the opportunities. If I find work, I can stay at the workplace until 6 pm. For example, for weeding, we work from 6 am to 2 pm. Sometimes we work on a task-based basis; we finish a job, like loading a truck with onions, and then we leave. The availability of work at the mouqef depends on market dynamics. When there is high demand (for potatoes and onions) in the major markets, buyers (Kheddar) are more present and they need more labor. We are paid per task and earn between 80 and 120 dirhams per day (between 8 and 12 euros). We (female laborers) don’t like staying at the mouqef. It’s very humiliating (dem dialna taytih men lhya), but I have no other alternatives. If I could find another stable job, even if it paid only 50 dirhams a day, I would take it. At least I would be sheltered from the cold, the heat, and the people. Some women have gotten used to the mouqef, but I can’t. At the workplace, we face many problems. The other day, a farmer wanted to hit me. We work in mixed teams, made up of men and women. It’s better to work in mixed groups because the men help us with tasks that we can’t do alone. For example, for the onions, the women fill the crates, and the men load them onto the truck. However, the downside is that some men are respectful, but others are not. I would have liked to change this job, but I can\’t find anything else. |
Navigating vulnerability in times of crisis
The combination of precarious working conditions, low wages, and constant exposure to risk makes female agricultural workers acutely vulnerable. They are often among the first to feel the impacts of health, economic, and environmental crises.
This was made plain during the Covid-19 pandemic, as our Interviews attest. At that time, women agricultural workers were caught in a dilemma: risk exposure to the virus by continuing to work outside (thereby being able to provide for their families) or stay home to protect their loved ones.Zahra, an agricultural worker from the Saïss plain interviewed at the time, expressed this tension clearly: “We are afraid for ourselves and our families. If we bring back contaminated groceries or touch something infected outside, we could bring the virus home.“
The strict lockdown measures, which began on March 20, 2020, also had a direct impact on employment opportunities. With gatherings, including those at the mouqef, prohibited, many women were left without a way to secure daily work. Those who did manage to find jobs had to take detours along secondary roads to avoid detection by local authorities or walk long distances to reach farms.
Making matters worse, the lockdown coincided with a peak agricultural season across major farming regions. In the Saïss plain, it was the period for onion transplanting, while in Gharb, it marked the harvest of red fruits. Typically, high-demand season allows agricultural workers to negotiate better wages and save part of their income for the lean months ahead. However, during the pandemic, female workers were confined to their homes, unable to access the mouqef due to the ban on public gatherings.
Shifting Landscapes: Women laboring in expanding agricultural frontiers
Drought and shifting water availability have pushed some farmers to abandon agriculture altogether. In the regions affected, this has led to significant job losses for women workers. At the same time, agricultural frontiers are expanding into arid regions in the South and South-East of Morocco, areas that historically saw little farming activity. These emerging agricultural zones now generate a growing demand for cheap labor, much of which is filled by women.
For instance, near the oasis of Akka Ighane (a village located in the province of Tata, in the southeast of Morocco), women have recently begun working in watermelon fields, where agricultural jobs for women were previously scarce. While some workers expressed relief at finding paid employment, this new opportunity comes with heightened risks. In addition to the precarious conditions outlined earlier, women must now contend with the harsh environment of these arid zones, where springtime temperatures during the watermelon harvest can soar to 35-40°C.
Balancing drudgery and independence: the complex reality of women in agricultural work
Despite the precarious nature of their work, the experiences of female agricultural laborers are not exclusively negative. While many describe agricultural labor as tamara—a word denoting hardship and drudgery—some view it as a chance to reconnect with friends, share experiences, and temporarily “escape” family pressures. For many, it offers rare access to paid employment in rural areas where such opportunities for women are limited. Income not only provides a degree of financial independence but also enhances their influence in household decision-making. These women often carry personal ambitions, channeling their earnings into their children’s education to secure for them “a better future and the chance to obtain a respectable job later on”.
Conclusions and recommendations
Although women agricultural workers are essential to Morocco’s agricultural development, their working conditions are precarious, and their struggles rarely attract sustained public or political attention. It is only in the event of roadside accidents or when they fall victim to major crises, such as the mass contamination of female laborers in the food processing industry during COVID-19[2], that their plight receives media attention.
Localized initiatives—primarily led by civil society organizations—have emerged in key agricultural regions such as in the Souss. These include the Youda digital awareness campaign, launched by the Young Women’s Group for Democracy (GJFD). The campaign was launched to address domestic violence against female agricultural workers during the COVID-19 lockdown. A nationwide campaign was also recently organized by the National Union of Agricultural Workers of Chtouka Aït-Baha (in the Souss region). Running from December 16 to 29 of 2024, this campaign aimed to mobilize agricultural workers across Morocco, raising awareness and protesting against poor working conditions. It called for urgent reforms, including the protection of trade union rights, stronger labor safeguards, improvements to the compensation system for workplace accidents, and enhanced occupational health and safety.[3]
Despite the difficulties of their lives, women working in agriculture are not passive victims. Many actively develop strategies to protect themselves, improve their working conditions, and resist negative social stereotypes. At the mouqef, they often organize into groups and appoint a leader to negotiate wages and terms of employment, particularly during peak seasons when labor demand is high. Some also participate in collective actions, such as strikes, to challenge exploitative conditions, as demonstrated by the female agricultural workers of Chtouka Aït Baha.[4]
In order to address the challenges faced by women agricultural workers effectively, recognizing the heterogeneity of their experiences is a prerequisite. The reality is that women employed on large farms in the Souss region face conditions vastly different from those encountered by mouqef workers or women cutting alfalfa in oases in exchange for in-kind wages. In light of this, interventions must be tailored to the specific needs of each group of women workers. They also must be aligned with Morocco’s broader social policy framework aimed at supporting vulnerable populations.
For policymakers, we recommend that reform start from the following two premises:
Recognition and visibility:
Safe and Dignified Working Conditions:
[1] See: International Fund for Agricultural Development
[2] Solene Paillard, “Les ouvrieres agricoles toujours surexposees au risque de contamination au virus”, Medias 24 (September 3, 2024)
[3] Samir Lagsir, “Campagne nationale pour defendre les droits des travailleurs agricoles de Chtouka Ait-Baha due 16 au 29 decembre”, Medias 24 (December 22, 2024)
[4] [4] Abdel Latif Baraka, “Les ouvriers agricoles de Chtouka se mobilisent pour la justice sociale”, Hiba Press (November 25, 2024).
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